Pages Navigation Menu

Transgender Cross-Cultural and Historical Models (1997)

Transgender Cross-Cultural and Historical Models (1997)

©1997, 2013 by Dallas Denny

Source: Denny, Dallas. (1997). Transgender: Some historical, cross-cultural, and contemporary models and methods of coping and treatment. In Bullough, Bonnie, Bullough, Vern, & Elias, James (Eds.), Gender Blending, pp. 33-47.




Gender Blending Pages (PDF)


Denny, D. (1995). Transgender: Some historical, cross-cultural, and modern-day models and methods of coping & treatment. Workshop presented at the International Congress on Gender, Cross Dressing, and Sex Issues, Van Nuys, CA, 24-26 February, 1995.



Transgender: Some Historical, Cross-Cultural, and Contemporary

Models and Methods of Coping & Treatment

By Dallas Denny, M.A.

American Educational Gender Information Service, Inc.


A Paper based on a workshop presented at The 1st International Congress On Cross Dressing, Gender, & Sex Issues, Van Nuys, CA, 23-26 February, 1995.


Author’s Note: In keeping with the emerging transexual sentiment that those who are transexual have the ultimate right of self-definition, I have used throughout this paper the word transexualism rather than the more commonly used transsexualism.



 The purpose of the workshop upon which this paper is based (Denny, 1995) was to list and examine a variety of historical, cross-cultural, and contemporary models used for thinking about and dealing with the transgender and transexual experience. I discussed more than 30 “models,” illustrating each (when possible) with slides taken from the National Transgender Library & Archive, and then divided the audience into groups and asked each group to evaluate one of the models in relation to a variety of criteria. Each group appointed a spokesperson who reported the evaluations of his or her group. In this paper, I describe these roles, provide criteria with which to evaluate them, and make a number of recommendations for future research on transgender and transexual issues.

The ways in which transgendered and transexual persons are treated are highly dependent upon the ways in which they are viewed by society. Expectations about sex and gender which channel the individual into pre-programmed channels of self-expression can result in unhappiness, depression, and various forms of self-destructive behavior, including suicide. Ideally, we should be working to examine a variety of current and historical models, and to develop a variety of ways, or models, by which transgendered and transexual persons can identify themselves and be viewed by society. These models should maximize individual self-expression and self-determination, while simultaneously minimizing the chance of harm coming to the individual from their interactions with medical and psychological professionals, or by their own hand.

I have provided some initial criteria by which such models can be evaluated. Table 1 represents but a “first pass” at such criteria. As they begin to actually be applied to the various models of transgender and transexual experience, they can and should be modified and expanded.


Table 1 (PDF)


Some Non-Western Roles

I have been able to identify more than 30 ways of looking at the transgender and transexual experience. Table 2 lists them, giving the cultures in which they have been found and citing one or more authorities for each.

Hijra (Nanda, 1989, 1994), Khushra (Gooren, 1992), and Acault (Coleman, et al., 1992) are institutionalized roles which are found in traditional Indian, Pakistani, and Myanmar (Burmese) societies, respectively. Like the Polynesian Mahu role (Besnier, 1994) and Native North American Two-Spirit roles (Roscoe, 1988, 1990; Williams, 1986), these roles provide a “fit” for transgendered persons in society. Often, these roles are intermediate between those of males and females, comprising a “third sex” role.

The Xanith of Oman (Wikan, 1977, 1982) comprise a fluid “third sex” role into which a male can enter or exit. Xaniths have an intermediate role in Omani society, wearing clothing which is much like that of women, but distinctly different from both men and women. Like the Hijras of India, Xaniths are often prostitutes, but unlike the emasculation which lies at the core of Hijra (and, presumably, Khushra and Acault) roles, Omani men can and do opt to move in and out of the Xanith role.


Table 2 (PDF)


Transgender behavior is often associated with shamanism. It has been commonly believed in many “primitive” societies that the liminal role of the transgendered person allowed him/her special insights into the human condition and the spirit world. Dr. William Dragoin, at the conference which inspired this book, distributed a tracing of a cave painting over 15,000 years old, showing a transgendered priest(ess). Hijras, who inspire both fear and awe in the larger society, are thought to have a variety of mystic powers, and for this purpose are sought out to bestow blessings at births and weddings (Nanda, 1994).


Historical Western Roles

Although factions within the Christian church, both in the Middle Ages and at the present time, have worked hard to eradicate any mention of transgendered behavior from the Bible and from history (and indeed, sometimes to eradicate transgendered persons themselves), there is considerable evidence of transgender roles throughout Western history (Bullough & Bullough, 1993; Feinberg, n.d.). For a time, the worship of the Magna Mater, or Great Mother, co-existed with other religions in ancient Rome (O’Hartigan, 1993)– but for the most part, transgender roles were underground, or legitimized only when nontransgendered persons considered it fashionable or expedient to have transgendered persons around. For instance, when it was deemed unsuitable for women to take stage roles in Elizabethan England, men (or rather, for the most part, young boys), were sanctioned to take female roles. Non-Western cultures– for instance, the Japanese– have similar stage roles (Ackroyd, 1979; Bullough & Bullough, 1993; Garber, 1991). Similarly, castration was considered acceptable (if controversial) in Europe because it produced persons with voices desirable for certain opera roles (Judd, 1988). As a blue-collar equivalent to the castrati, intersexed and transgendered persons were openly exhibited as freaks by circuses both in North America and Europe (Fiedler, 1978).

Because openly transgendered persons were historically persecuted and sometimes executed for their manner of dress [as was Jean d’Arc (Bullough & Bullough, 1993)], most transgendered persons in Western society have lived in secrecy. By examining historical records, Dekker and Van de Pol (1989) were able to discover several hundred instances of “passing women” (women who live as men) in the Netherlands during the Middle Ages. Females have been especially adept at passing for men in the military services (Wheelright, 1989). Several hundred “male” soldiers in the American Civil War were female (Meyer, 1994). There are also accounts of passing men, but they are less frequent, perhaps because without hormonal therapy (which was not available before the 1950s), it is more difficult for males to pass as females than vice-versa.

When homosexual identity began to be consolidated in the late 19th century (cf Duberman, et al., 1989), gay men were considered to have feminine spirits, and gay women to have masculine spirits. This was the result of the writings of Karl Ulrichs, whose works have been only recently translated into English (Ulrichs, 1994). This view of the effeminate gay male and the masculine lesbian was the dominant one until the 1950s (Devor, 1995), when modern-day roles of masculine gay men and feminine lesbian women began to predominate. Recently, in the wake of the publication of Leslie Feinberg’s Stone Butch Blues (1994), there has been a re-emergence of butch identity by some members of the lesbian community (Findlay, 1995). Certainly, there are ever-increasing numbers of female-to-male crossdressers and transexual people visible in the support groups of the transgender community.


Contemporary Western Roles

Due to the writings of Virginia Prince (cf Prince, 1962; Prince & Bentler, 1972), it has been frequently proclaimed that most crossdressers are heterosexual, and a large community of predominantly heterosexual males has formed. However, if there are large numbers of heterosexual crossdressers, there are also large numbers of gay and bisexual crossdressers. Their relative absence from the “transgender community” is not necessarily evidence of a low incidence (Denny, 1994a). Gay crossdressers congregate in large numbers in bars and at pageants, and bisexual crossdressers communicate by way of sexual contact ads in newspapers and magazines which outsell the magazines and newsletters of the “transgender community” by orders of magnitude. Fetishistic transvestites engage in solitary dressing for their own sexual pleasure; their sexual orientation may be towards males, females, or other transgendered persons (Docter, 1988).

Following the media feeding frenzy about Christine Jorgensen which began in late 1952, the category called transexualism arose (Bullough & Bullough, 1993). This was a condition in which individuals insisted that they required medical intervention, and it gave rise to a pathology-based system which was very damaging to the individual’s view of him or her self as a whole and actualized person (cf Barr, et al., 1974; Lothstein, 1983; and Milliken, 1982). For several decades, those who were transgendered could escape from the traditional male and female categories only at the price of being fit by the medical community into the categories (“boxes”) of heterosexual transvestism or transexualism (Denny, 1992). This resulted in a large number of “heterosexual” crossdressers who were actually gay or bisexual, or who had transexual issues, which they hid to escape peer pressure from other “heterosexual” crossdressers who often had similar issues (Denny, 1994b). [1] Only the gay and lesbian community had non-pathology based roles. These included drag queens, who used crossdressing as a form of empowerment, both political and personal (Serian, 1988); drag kings (Feinberg, 1993); female impersonators, who made their living as performers (Baker, et al., 1994); transgendered sex workers (Newton, 1979); butch lesbians; “nellie” males; she-males (also called chicks with dicks) (Blanchard, 1993); or as “queens,” a catch-all term which included all of the above (in the male-to-female direction), as well as transexual persons who had found a home in the gay community (Alpert, 1975).

For many years, transexualism was considered a “condition” which was “cured” by sex reassignment (Benjamin, 1966). An emerging sensibility– or rather, a paradigm shift, in the classic Kuhnian (Kuhn, 1962) sense– has made it clear that this is not the inevitable outcome of being transexual, or even a desirable one. I have called assimilation “the closet at the end of the rainbow.” Other transexual people call those who wish to assimilate “woodworkers” or “stealth” transexuals. More and more transexual people are accepting their transgendered condition as a permanent state of being; this has opened the door for political and scientific activism, and moreover, to the realization that being pre-operative is not inevitably a way station on the road to surgery, but perhaps a permanent state of non-operativeness. The clinical community is learning this lesson as well, with this new sensibility being discussed by Anne Bolin (1994), Walter Bockting (1995), Bockting & Coleman (1992), and others.

The changing of the paradigm has led to the emergence of a class of people known as transgenderists (Boswell, 1991). Transgenderists define themselves rather than by asking to be or allowing themselves to be defined by helping professionals, doing as little or as much as they wish to their bodies, but stopping short of genital surgery. Transgenderism encompasses an older term, androgyny, as well as the “gender blending” observed by Devor (1989), who studied women who were socially perceived to be males in some contexts, and females in others. Crossdressers are increasingly coming to realize that they need not “pass” (Goffman, 1963) or even strive to emulate women or men– they can just dress as they damn well please (Berendt, 1995).

Recently, the proliferation of computer networks like the Internet have opened the door to what I call “virtual gender.” In cyberspace, one’s gender is limited to a “handle,” and sex reassignment can be as easy as changing one’s logon name. I find this similar to the adoption of feminine personas via correspondence, as happened with the writer William Sharp, whose “Fiona MacCleod” personality became very real to him (Alaya, 1970). Sharp’s experience as a “social female” is the cybernetic equivalent of social males in Bantu (Bolin, 1993), and sworn virgins in Slavic (Gremaux, 1994) tribes, in which women take on the dress and social status of males.

If all of the ways of looking at transgender behavior seem arbitrary, dependent upon the sensibilities of the observer, so too do the terms male and female, man and women. Many writers, including Kate Bornstein (1993), Judith Butler (1990, 1993), Leslie Feinberg (1994), and Martine Rothblatt (1994), take the view that these categories are no less constructed than any other, and exist not in reality, but only in the ways in which we are enculturated to believe in them. Any number of other societies believe there are more than two sexes (for some examples, see Bolin, 1993), and even within the framework of Western science, there are those who believe there are more than two (Fausto-Sterling, 1995).

Notions of a highly pathological condition called “gender dysphoria” are giving way to an empowerment model in which it is not the unwillingness or inability of some persons to fit into the rigidly bipolar gender roles of Western society, but the inability of society to look beyond binary roles, which are viewed as pathological.

There are doubtless many ways of looking at gender other than those I have written about in this article. It would be of interest to identify them and examine them empirically in light of the evaluation criteria in Table 1.

Based upon my personal experience and after a great deal of thought about the various ways of looking at transgender and transexual experience I have presented, I have some suggestions for future research:


1. Develop models which allow the greatest range of personal choice without forcing individuals into fixed outcomes.

Models with fixed outcomes will inevitably force people into outcomes which may not be best for them. Individuals must not only be made aware that they have a range of choices, but must be allowed to choose among them.

2. Develop models which provide procedural safeguards while at the same time maximizing individual autonomy.

There is a delicate balance between the right of the individual to the freedom of his or her own body and the duty of a medical or psychological professional to do what is in the best interest of the client. This balance will be reached only by ongoing respectful dialogue between those who are transexual or transgendered, and those who provide the services they need. The recent rise of a class of transgendered and transexual physicians, psychologists, anthropologist, sociologists, and researchers is already providing valuable input in this area.

3. Avoid use of stigmatizing language in research reports (use of quotations around pronouns; use of terms “male transexual,” “female transexualism;” use of terms like “deviancy”). Instead, use more identity-affirming terms, such as “transexual woman” and “transexual man,” and the words transgender and transexual instead of pathology-based terms like “gender dysphoria.”

Much of the supposedly objective literature of transexual and transgender issues is needlessly pejorative. Authors have tended to let their personal biases prevail, and editors have been very lax in catching and removing offending statements and usages. This shows a fundamental lack of respect for transgendered and transexual persons which must be resolved if respectful communication is to take place.

4. Look closely at the research question which is being asked. Does it reinforce obsolete models? Is it needlessly pathologizing? Do we really need one more research paper about the ways in which the MMPI scores of transgendered and transexual people differ from scores of a control group?

The assumptions which have driven much of the research have been faulty, based on the assimilationist model of transexualism, and upon the presupposition that transgender feelings are a sign of weakness of sickness. For future research to have any meaning or usefulness, underlying assumptions must be closely examined.

5. Avoid the ivory-tower syndrome. Base research questions on the realities of transgendered and transexual people, rather than the highly pathologizing existing literature. Take advantage of sociological and anthropological studies of transgendered and transexual people.

The attacks on transexualism have been made by those who know the least about the phenomenon. Janice Raymond (1979, 1994, interviewed only 15 transexual people before writing her antitransexual polemic, The Transsexual Empire; The Making of the She-Male. Raymond made a career of talking against transexualism, going so far as to testify against sex reassignment surgery to the U.S. government. Paul McHugh, a psychiatrist who reported having gone to JohnsHopkinsUniversity specifically to shut down their gender clinic (McHugh, 1982), in a letter to another physician in 1994, expressed disbelief at the idea that a postoperative transexual woman could be attracted to other women. Such “contributions” to the literature are political and not scientific, and must be considered as such, while valuable work by anthropologists, sociologists and transgendered scholars must not be ignored.

6. Don’t needlessly empower genital surgery. Avoid use of words like “pre-operative,” “post-operative,” and “non-operative,” which define the entire transgender and transexual experience relative to one three-hour event. Structure research so it focuses on landmarks other than surgery (e.g. beginning of real-life test).

There is a great tendency in our society to define maleness and femaleness by the absence or presence of a penis, and neither transexual persons nor helping professionals are not immune to this type of thinking. Bullough (1994) has noted that it was the synthesis of artificial sex hormones in the third decade of this century, and not modern surgical techniques, which made modern-day sex reassignment possible. This should be constantly kept in mind by those doing research with transexual persons.

7. Understand that the logical goal of sex reassignment is not necessarily assimilation, but rather integration of one’s transgendered or transexual status into one’s self-identity.

The idea that sex reassignment and subsequent assimilation into the dominant culture was a “cure” for transexualism led to a great deal of shame and guilt. With this model, transexual people were once again in the closet, and could never live with dignity or pride; instead, they had to hide, out of communication with one another. Those whose physical characteristics did not lend themselves to “passing” were especially likely to be disempowered.


It was only when transexual people began to realize that assimilation was not the inevitable consequence of sex reassignment that it became possible to develop a sense of transgender pride and begin to build community. Many people having sex reassignment will wish to assimilate, and if they so desire, they should not be discouraged, but it is important that they be given the information that there are other options.

My purpose in this article has been to describe a number of ways in which transgendered persons have been viewed throughout history, in our society and in others, and to provide tools by which to evaluate these and future models and to guide future research.

[1] This condition is unfortunately still common today. Organizations for male heterosexual crossdressers often act as if it were a defection when one of their members acknowledges his bisexual or transexual issues.





Ackroyd, P. (1979). Dressing up. Transvestism and drag: The history of an obsession. New York: Simon & Schuster.

Besnier, N. (1994). Polynesian gender liminality through time and space. In G. Herdt (Ed.), Third sex, third gender, 285-328.

Bolin, A. (1993). An interview with Anne Bolin, Ph.D. Chrysalis Quarterly, 1(6), 15-20.

Coleman, E., Colgan, P., & Gooren, L. (1992). Male cross-gender behavior in Mnanmar (Burma): A description of the acault. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 21(3), 313-321.

Dragoin, W. (1995). The gynemimetic shaman: Evolutionary origins of male sexual inversion and associated talent? Paper presented at the International Congress on Cross Dressing, Gender, and Sex Issues, Van Nuys, CA, 24-26 February, 1995.

Gooren, L.J.G. (1992). Gender dysphoria in Pakistan: The Khusra. A traveller’s report. Gender Dysphoria, 1(2), 35-36.

Gremaux, R. (1994). Woman becomes man in the Balkans. In G. Herdt, Third sex, third gender, pp. 241-281. New York: Zone Books.

Herdt, G. (Ed.). (1994). Third sex, third gender. New York: Zone Books.

Nanda, S. (1994). Hijras: An alternative sex and gender role in India. In G. Herdt (Ed.), Third sex, third gender: Beyond sexual dimorphism in culture and history, pp. 373-418. New York: Zone Books.

Nanda, S. (1989). Neither man nor woman: The Hijras of India. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing.

Roscoe, W. (Ed.). (1988). Living the spirit: A gay American Indian anthology. New York: St. Martin’s Press.

Roscoe, W. (1990). The Zuni man-woman. University of New Mexico Press.

Wikan, U. (1977). Man becomes woman: Transsexualism in Oman as a key to gender roles. Man, 12(2), 304-319.

Wikan, U. (1982). Xanith: A third gender role? In U. Wikan (Ed.), Behind the veil in Arabia: Women in Oman, pp. 168-186. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press.

Williams, W.L. (1986). The spirit and the flesh: Sexual diversity in American Indian culture. Boston: Beacon Press.


Western, Historical

Alaya, F. (1970). William Sharp– “Fiona Macleod,” 1855-1905. Cambridge, Mass.: HarvardUniversity Press.

Bullough, V.L., & Bullough, B. (1993). Cross-dressing, sex, and gender. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

Dekker, R.J., & van de Pol, L.C. (1989). The tradition of female transvestism in early modern Europe. New York: St. Martin’s Press.

Duberman, M.B., Vicinus, M., & Chauncey, G., Jr. (Eds.) (1989). Hidden from history: Reclaiming the gay and lesbian past. New York: Penguin.

Feinberg, L. (n.d.). Transgender liberation: A movement whose time has come. World View Forum, 55 W 17th St., 5th Floor, New York, NY10011.

Fiedler, A. (1978). Freaks: Myths and images of the secret self. New York: Simon & Schuster.

Judd, R. (1988). Origins of cross-dressing: A history of performance en travesti. Doctoral dissertation, Clayton University.

Meyer, E.L. (1994, January). The soldier left a portrait and her eyewitness account. Smithsonian, 24(10), 96-104.

O’Hartigan, M. (1993). The gallae of the Magna Mater. Chrysalis, 1(6), 11-13.

Roscoe, W. (1994). Priests of the goddess: Gender transgression in the Ancient World. Paper presented at the 109th Annual Meeting of the American Historical Association, San Francisco, CA.

Ulrichs, K.H. (1994). The riddle of “man-manly” love: The pioneering work on male homosexuality. (Michael A. Lombardi-Nash, translator). Vols. 1 and 2. Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Press.

Wheelright, J. (1989). Amazons and military maids: Women who dressed as men in pursuit of life, liberty, and happiness. Unwin: Pandora Press.


Western, Contemporary


Denny, D. (1994b). Heteropocracy: The myth of the heterosexual crossdresser. Unpublished paper.

Garber, M. (1991). Vested interests: Cross-dressing and cultural anxiety. New York: Routledge.



Bell-Metereau, R. (1985, 1994). Hollywood androgyny. New York: ColumbiaUniversity Press.

Singer, J. (1977). Androgyny: Toward a new theory of sexuality. Garden City, NJ: Anchor.

Singer, J. (1989). Androgyny: The opposites within. Boston: Sigo Press.



Burana, L., Roxxie, & Due, L. (Eds.). (1994). Dagger: On butch women. New York: Cleis Press.

Findlay, H. (1995, March/April). What is stone butch– now? Girlfriends, 20-22, 44-45.

Nestle, J. (1992). A femme/butch reader. Boston, MA: Alyson Publications, Inc.


Drag, Female Impersonation

Baker. (1994). Drag: A history of female impersonation in the performing arts. London: Triton Books.

Serian, R. (1987). Big hair and new makeup. Whole Earth Review, 56, 2-7.


Gay Crossdressing

Alpert, G. (1975). The Queens. NY: Da Capo.

Blanchard, R. (1993). The she-male phenomenon and the concept of partial autogynephilia. Journal of Sex and Marital Therapy, 19(1), 69-76.

Kirk, K., & Heath, E. (1984). Men in frocks. London: GMP Publishers, Ltd.

Newton, E. (1979). Mother camp: Female impersonators in America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.


Heterosexual Crossdressing

Berendt, J. (1995, 16 January). High-heel Neil. The New Yorker, 38-45.

Prince, V. (1962). The transvestite and his wife. Los Angeles: Chevalier Publications.

Prince, C.V., & Bentler, P.M. (1972). Survey of 504 cases of transvestism. Psychological Reports, 31(3), 903-917.


Transvestic Fetishism

Docter, R.F. (1988). Transvestites and transsexuals: Toward a theory of cross-gender behavior. London: Plenum Press.


Transexual (Assimilationist)

Benjamin, H. (1966). The transsexual phenomenon: A scientific report on transsexualism and sex conversion in the human male and female. New York: Julian Press. Currently available in reprinted form from The Human Outreach & Achievement Institute, 405 Western Avenue, Ste. 345, South Portland, ME 04106.

Blanchard, R., & Steiner, B. (Eds.). (1990). Clinical management of gender identity disorders in children and adults. Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Press.

Green, R. (1974). Sexual identity conflict in children and adults. New York: Basic Books, Inc. Reprinted in 1975 by Penguin Books.

Hollis, C.M. (1993). Beyond belief: “The discovery of my existence”. Galena, IL: Genesis Publications.

Montgomery, L., & Montgomery, J. (1994). Transition to completion. Decatur, GA: Montgomery Institute.


Transexualism (Female-to-Male)

Devor, H. (1995). How female-to-male transsexuals reject lesbian identities. Paper presented at the International Congress on Cross Dressing, Gender, and Sex Issues, Van Nuys, CA, 24-26 February, 1995.

Green, J. (1994). The story of a transsexual man. San Francisco: FTM International (Audiotape).

Sullivan, L. (1990). Information for the female-to-male cross-dresser and transsexual. Seattle, WA: Ingersoll GenderCenter.



McHugh, P.R. (1992). Psychiatric misadventures. American Scholar, 61(4), 497-510.

Raymond, J. (1979). The transsexual empire: The making of a she-male. Women’s Press.


Transexual (Pathologizing)

Barr, R.F., Raphael, B., & Hennessey, N. (1974). Apparent heterosexuality in two male patients requesting change of sex operation. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 3(4), 325-330.

Lothstein, L. (1983). Female-to-male transsexualism: Historical, clinical and theoretical issues. Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

Milliken, A.D. (1982). Homicidal transsexuals: Three cases. Canadian Journal of Psychiatry, 27(1), 43-46.


Transexual (Empowerment)

Bockting, W. (1995). Transgender coming out: Implications for the clinical management of gender dysphoria. Paper presented at the International Congress on Cross Dressing, Gender, and Sex Issues, Van Nuys, CA, 24-26 February, 1995.

Bockting, W., & Coleman, E. (Eds.). (1992). Gender dysphoria: Interdisciplinary approaches in clinical management. New York: Haworth Press.

Bolin, A. (1988). In search of Eve: Transsexual rites of passage. South Hadley, MA: Bergin & Garvey Publishers, Inc.

Denny, D. (1992). The politics of diagnosis and a diagnosis of politics: The university-affiliated gender clinics, and how they failed to meet the needs of transsexual people. Chrysalis Quarterly, 1(3), 9-20.

Wilchins, R. (1994). Clothes are for closets, not transpersons. Tapestry, 70.



Bornstein, K. (1994). Gender outlaw: On men, women, and the rest of us. New York: Routledge.

Bolin, A. (1994). Transcending and transgendering: Male-to-female transsexuals, dichotomy, and diversity. In G. Herdt (Ed.), Third sex, third gender: Essays from anthropology and social history, pp. 447-485. New York: Zone Publishing.

Boswell, H. (1991). The transgender alternative. Chrysalis Quarterly, 1(2), 29-31.

Butler, J. (1990). Gender trouble: Feminism and the subversion of identity. New York: Routledge.

Butler, J. (1993). Bodies that matter: On the discursive limits of “sex.” New York: Routledge.

Devor, H. (1989). Gender blending: Confronting the limits of duality. Bloomington: IndianaUniversity Press.

Fausto-Sterling. (1985). Myths of gender: Biological theories about women and men. New York: Basic Books.

Feinberg, L. Feinberg, L. (1993). Stone butch blues. New York: Firebrand Books.

Rothblatt, M. (1994). The apartheid of sex: A manifesto on the freedom of gender. NY: Crown Publishers.

Woodlawn, H., with Copeland, J. (1992). A low life in high heels: The Holly Woodlawn story. New York: St. Martin’s Press.



Bullough, V.L. (1994). Preface. In D. Denny, Gender dysphoria: A guide to research, xv-xix. New York: Garland Publishers.

Denny, D. (1994b). Gender dysphoria: A guide to research. New York: Garland Publishers.

Denny, D. (1995). Transgender: Some Historical, Cross-Cultural, and Modern-Day Models and Methods of Coping & Treatment. Workshop presented at the International Congress on Cross Dressing, Gender, and Sex Issues, Van Nuys, CA, 24-26 February, 1995.

Goffman, E. (1963). Stigma: Notes on the management of spoiled identity. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.

Kuhn, T.S. (1962). The structure of scientific revolutions. Chicago: The University of Chicago.